1. What economic arguments do Sojourner Truth and Susan B. Anthony present on behalf of women’s
rights?
Firstly, Sojourner Truth casts the spotlight on colored women who worked, some even more than men but they were
still considered unequal to the men. “They went out washing while the men were idle.” This was during a time
when colored men were getting their rights, and Miss Truth argued that she “has a right to have just as much as
a man.” Her argument was that women were capable of doing as much, or maybe even more, as such, they also
deserved equal rights. Her next point then mentions these “idle men taking all the money from the women and then
scolding because there was no food.” This highlighted the fact that women were responsible for providing for the
household and they deserved to get their rights just as men. Also, Miss Truth mentions doing “as much work as
man, but did not get so much pay.” She used to work “in the field and bind grain…but men doing no more got twice
as much pay.” This argument shows the significance of women, yet they were undervalued. Her plight was “we do as
much, …we want as much,” hence the need for equal rights. If men were getting rights, women deserved them as
well. In the case of Miss Anthony, she mentions that women are way more intelligent than men. Perhaps this was
to highlight the role of the woman in society and how her work was pivotal to its success. “If you will not give
the whole loaf of suffrage to the entire people, give it to the most intelligent first.” She also mentions that
women wanted their own freedom stating that, “there is no woman who desires to eat the bread of
dependence…anyone who eat her bread places herself in the power of the person from whom she takes it.” Miss
Anthony advocated for women to be free, independent, and “earn her own bread.” Being granted rights of suffrage
as a woman would allow them not to work in “such employment only as man chooses for her.”
2. What are the political arguments of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Mary Ann Shadd Cary? How does Frederck
Douglass counter such arguments? Does he take them seriously, or does he demean them?
The idea of the black man getting his rights before the woman didn’t sit right with Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
In fact, she believed that woman should get their rights first before man, as she suggested it was sex that
mattered not race. In her words she believed “not another man should be enfranchised until enough women are
admitted to the polls to outweigh those already there.” She believed the scales were unbalanced as there
were already men allowed rights while women lagged. She also did not believe in “allowing ignorant negroes
and foreigners to make laws for her to obey.” This further highlights the general consensus among most women
rights leaders that women were far superior and intelligent than most men.
In the case of Mary Ann Shadd Cary, “the strength and glory of a free nation is not so much in the size and equipment of its armies, as in the loyal hearts and willing hands of its women and men.” She too believed that women were pivotal in the success of the nation and therefore deserved to be given equal rights. She mentions the great deeds of women to aid the armies in the wars as such women “not only fed, sheltered, and guided in safety the prisoner soldier when escaping from the enemy…, but gave their sons and brothers to the armies of the nation and their prayers to the high Heaven for the success of the Right.” Her main argument rested upon the fact that the government derives its authority from the consent of the people governed. If there are laws by which women are tried, “…that they may be invested with the right to vote as do men…, they may in future be governed by their own consent.”
3. Is Francis Ellen Harper a pragmatist? Why do you think she took the position she did?
I believe Francis Ellen Harper believed in dealing with problems in a sensible way that suits the condition that
existed, thus making her a pragmatist. She said that “when it was a question of race, she let the lesser
question of sex go.” It was more likely for men, given the current circumstances including the XV, XVI
amendments, to get their right to vote than it was for women. She liked the idea of workwomen but didn’t think
it was broad enough to take colored women. In Boson, “there were sixty women who left work because one colored
woman went to gain a livelihood in their midst.” Perhaps women themselves were not ready for other women to get
equal rights. Overall, she took her position because she didn’t see a way for women to get their rights before
men.
4. Why, how and with what consequences did supporters of the Fifteenth Amendment within the American Equal
Rights Association make their case?
The American Equal Rights Association was divided between men who were glad to be given the right to vote
through the Fifteenth Amendment, pragmatists like Mrs. Frances Ellen Watkins Harper who moved away from ideals
in support of what worked, and women who mostly felt that they deserved the right to vote more than men did.
Among the men, Frederick Douglass was the most outspoken. He didn’t hide his beliefs that race was more
important than was sex in determining who got the right to vote first. He also thought men had suffered more
than women hence his position on the issue. However, equally important was the position and influence of women
like Mrs. Harper, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. They believed that sex was a more important
factor than race. They also thought women had suffered enough, if not more, than men. Their influence and
perseverance were pivotal in getting the nation to where it was. Because of these strong positions which neither
side were willing to let go, Frederick Douglass felt the American Equal Rights Association was more pro women
rights than men. As a result, the organization disintegrated with those who celebrated the Fifteenth Amendment
moving away, leaving those who still fought for women rights.
5. How do the images presented here reject and reinforce racial stereotypes? Evaluate how the visual
documents compare to the reality of black participation in politics in the Reconstruction era South. Give
specific examples.
In one image we have a poor laborer, a well-dressed city man, and a soldier lining up to vote. This is
during the time back man were allowed to vote. The image rejects stereotypes by allowing people to see that
every man, rich or poor, was going to vote without any obstacles. There is a flag of the union above which
embraces them as citizens. The black men are at ease showing that they are free to exercise their right to
vote. However, within the same image racial stereotypes persist. The white man overseeing the vote is
straight faced showing he was either not pleased with seeing the black men vote or he was focusing on them
to see if they don’t do anything wrong, as expected of black men. In the other image, black legislators are
seen fighting white men and causing commotion. This argues that reconstruction was a mistake, calling blacks
inferior and incapable. It is said that the members themselves call each other, “thieves, liars, rascals,
cowards.” Even though given their right to vote and becoming legislators, these blacks were still comparable
to the lowest whites. These are all racial stereotypes that undermines the black man. Also, unlike in the
images that depict black legislators in the South as incapable, some politicians in South Carolina argued
for civil rights protection and educational provisions as responsibilities of the state. Overall, the racial
stereotype included in the images overshadowed the great work done by blacks during the Reconstruction-era
South.
[Evidence taken from Philip S. Foner and Robert James Branham, eds., Lift Every Voice: African American Oratory, 1787-1900 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998), 464-65| Philip S. Foner, ed., Frederick Douglass on Women’s Rights (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 86-89]
[Evidence taken from Philip S. Foner and Robert James Branham, eds., Lift Every Voice: African American Oratory, 1787-1900 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998), 516-17| Philip S. Foner, ed., Frederick Douglass on Women’s Rights (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 86-89]
[Evidence taken from Philip S. Foner, ed., Frederick Douglass on Women’s Rights (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 86-89]
[Evidence taken from Philip S. Foner, ed., Frederick Douglass on Women’s Rights (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 86-89]
[Evidence taken from Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, DC., LC-USZ62-102256| Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, DC., LC-DIG-ppmsca-31598]